Dean's World

The shelter movement was in deep trouble, and funding sources were drying up. It is a fact of life in the non-profit sector that most private donors prefer to support demonstrably successful agencies with an open relationship with their communities. Since in general, shelter programs were unable to show their services had any effect on the problem, and their relationship in their communities with other agencies and the general public was anything but open, continuing financial support had to come from somewhere else.

By that time, some shelters that had failed under feminist administration had been taken over by other agencies, and in some communities, non-feminist shelter programs had begun to be established. These non-feminist agencies were poised at that time to begin making major changes in the function of their services. To the feminists still in control of the shelter system, probably the most disturbing trend was that these non-feminist programs were intending to provide equal services to all citizens of their communities, which included male victims. There was also consideration of providing aid that did not require relocation and divorce for victims, which is the only “solution” provided by feminist-run shelters.

By the time Senator Joe Biden entered the picture with his “Violence Against Women Act” in the early 1990s, there were feminists in Congress and a feminist First Lady in the White House. All of whom pushed – and pushed hard for this landmark bill that gave the appearance of benefiting women in need. Hearings on the bill were stacked, to include only those who praised VAWA. Enough legislators were either not interested in bucking the trend, or didn’t have time to consider this bill fully, that it simply sailed through Congress to become law. Well, you can’t be against helping women in need, now can you?

If there was any help there, for women or anybody else, it could’ve been a wonderful thing. What it actually did was something else.

In a nutshell, it validated the feminist philosophy of domestic violence, pumped millions of dollars into feminist bank accounts, and created what would become a multi-billion dollar industry out of the misery of American families nationwide.

In practice, VAWA established domestic violence as a crime, one that was always perpetrated by a man against a woman. This would be the first time in US history a law established who would be the victim, and who would be the offender, before any incident ever occurred.

It gave those state coalitions purporting to be “against domestic violence” the power to bully law enforcement and local judiciaries into enforcing feminist doctrine as law. Not only were the cops and judges expected to look the other way while human rights were violated without compunction, they were expected to deny their own experience and established practices. The mindset behind VAWA was stuck in the 1970s, when it was still true that a woman asking for help often had difficulty proving abuse, and police departments were reluctant to get themselves involved in private family matters. Although much had changed in police procedure regarding domestic violence over time, the progress they had made was to be ignored in favor of VAWA’s rigid policy.